![]() |
|||
|
February 17, 1985 Newsday UN Bureau United Nations — Ambassador Vernon Walters' impending
arrival at the united Nations signals anew kind of chief diplomat for
the U.S. mission, but not a new kind of diplomacy. The Reagan administration indicates no plans to change
the approach of outgoing Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick and her homogenous
team of hand-picked intellectuals, struggling like Sisyphus over the past
3 ½ years for a better U.S. showing in the world forum. Walters, a retired Army general and former deputy director
of the CIA, is expected to take up the post before April 1. He has said
he would do his best to continue her “superb work.” Under
Kirkpatrick, the United States adopted tough stances in dealing with criticism,
especially from Third World critics. There's no sign that will change. What will be different, everyone who knows both the general
and the professor agrees, will be their style of operation, both at the
UN and back in Washington, where the post of UN ambassador retains its
cabinet rank. At 68, Walters is unlikely to aspire to use the high-visibility
post as a springboard for political office, as have many of his predecessors. Walters has said he does not intend to be just a “messenger
boy” nor to make difficulties for the nation's policymakers —
an apparent reference to the rancorous relations than can and have developed
between a UN ambassador and a secretary of state. The new ambassador is likely to be less abrasive than
Kirkpatrick, though his politics are just as conservative, his associates
say. And Walters is likely to work closely with Secretary of State George
Shultz. At the UN, Kirkpatrick has employed what her predecessor
in the post, Donald McHenry, calls “zap squad” diplomacy.
U.S. delegates are again making it clear to other countries that gratuitous
verbal attacks on the United States will not be tolerated, and U.S. responses
have ranged from public counterassaults to cutbacks in foreign aid. And U.S. representatives have been exercising the “right
of reply” after any and every verbal attack in committee or the
General Assembly. “It works,” said Kirkpatrick's Deputy, Jose
Sorzano, who holds ambassadorial rank. “Before attacking the United
States was not only fashionable, it was cost-free. Once it becomes evident
that we're waiting for you, the response is different.” Congress, meanwhile, has begun reviewing the UN voting
practices of foreign aid recipients to see the “coincidences”
with U.S. voting on issues of key American interest. The voting record
has become one factor in determining foreign aid. The perception both inside and outside the administration
is that the American position at the UN in 1984 was, as one State Department
official put it, “a little less bad.” But McHenry, who served
as ambassador at the close of the Carter administration, is critical of
the Kirkpatrick approach. “For example, it is said that the United States
now stands up to, and defeats, efforts to do something on Puerto Rico
or to kick Israel out of the UN and that the United States wins votes
on that. “The truth is, before this administration, those
issues didn't come to a vote. We kept it from a vote by diplomacy. “The whole series of things which they tout as success
seem rather more to me like the bully than any exercise of diplomatic
skill. We didn't have to threaten countries to get them to support the
United States on the hostages [in Iran], on Afghanistan, on Kampuchea,
on keeping the Cubans off the Security Council, on keeping Nicaraguans
off the Security Council — and by the way they lost that one,“
McHenry said. “I'm not sure this is diplomacy that we're seeing.
I'm not sure that we have contributed to understanding or enlightenment
by the policies that we've been following. On the contrary, some of the
victories, it seems to me . . . are the result of failures first.” Former Secretary of State Alexander Haig said he thinks
the United States is only benefiting from “a veneer.” “It takes a lot more than four years to correct
the kind of criticism we've been experiencing,” he said. “If
our economic situation changes, watch out. If we fail to back an ally,
watch out.” Haig, who has known Walters for 30 years, is enthused
over the appointment. “He's a conceptualizer,” he said. “”What
he is not is a showboater. He is a fund of experience unmatched anywhere
in the United States today. He was with Eisenhower in the war and has
been with every president since Roosevelt. The two of us were go-betweens
on every secret meeting held in Paris and a few elsewhere.” As Reagan's ambassador-at-large, Walters has quietly visited
more than 100 countries over the past four years and is known to hitch
rides into town on the backs of pick-up trucks. Like Kirkpatrick, Walters is known as a staunch anti-Communist
and an archconservative. “He's an experienced practitioner,” said one
former government official who has known him for 20 years. “You're
going to get from him as firm a line as under Jeane Kirkpatrick but in
a less abrasive manner. He will be firm, conservative and not quite as
ideological. He's apt to work closely with (Secretary of State) Shultz.” Others cite Walters' skill as a raconteur — “a
great man at a dinner party” — and his on-a-first-name-basis
association with scores of foreign government leaders, not to mention
his polyglot fluency in eight languages. “We find, if you had to generalize, we get better
support in capitals than we do at the UN,” one State Department
official said. “There is this culture at the UN that Jeane talks
about. Frequently, we find that we can go to the foreign minister or the
prime minister and we're going to do better. Walters can call them up
and say, “Do you know what's going on in New York?” And certainly
in the off-season he can go there. So a lot of these guys are going to
be a lot more worried.” Haig recalls meetings of two or three hours in length
at which no notes were taken for security reasons. Walters could reconstruct
every aspect with precision. Contrasting Kirkpatrick with Walters, one State Department
official said, “Jeane has been concerned about certain ideas, about
diplomacy, about the world as witness her writings. The UN, under her,
has been the center stage of the administration's ideological confrontation
with the Third World. Whether it will remain so is an interesting question.” |
|||