![]() |
|||
|
December 20, 1984 Newsday UN Bureau UNITED NATIONS -- Rep. James Scheuer has said the Reagan
administration's decision to leave the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization — announced last December and formalized yesterday
— was a way of “throwing a pound of raw meat to the radical right.” But the liberal Democrat from New York City — based on
his own investigation in the past year and a highly critical report on
UNESCO issued by the General Accounting Office last month — says the decision
was correct anyway. UNESCO officials, too, say that the initial impetus
for the pullout was political, a bit of UN-bashing. But they say that
what followed in the past year after Washington gave its required notice
of withdrawal was merely a structure set in motion to arrive at a foregone
conclusion. “The circumstances that impelled us last year to
announce our plan to withdraw have not changed sufficiently this year
to warrant a change in our decision,” Gregory J. Newell, assistant
secretary of state for international affairs, told a news conference in
Washington yesterday. Regardless of how it came to pass, the question that persists
about the U.S. departure is whether it will have the impact that U.S.
officials say was intended, forcing the Paris-based UN agency into major
pragmatic, budgetary and managerial reforms that might lure the United
States back in. On this, opinion is as divided as it was on the question
of whether to pull out in the first place. No one, not even the UNESCO staff, dispute the need for
reform in the 161-nation, $187.2 million-a-year operation. The United
States has been contributing $47 million a year to the budget. And everyone concurs that the U.S. announcement a year
ago of its intentional to withdraw caused a “sea change” at
UNESCO, a willingness to consider the need for reform seriously for the
first time. But the administration says what the UNESCO executive
board agreed to at its meeting this fall did not go far enough in meeting
U.S. demands to end politicization in UNESCO programs, hold to a zero-growth
budget and reform the bureaucracy. The board did agree to a zero-growth
budget, but with a proviso for an additional $8 million the administration
found objectionable. “Certainly one of the most important things they
didn't do was make any concrete recommendation on changing programs,”
said Lacy A. Wright, Jr., director of the State Department's Office of
Communication and UNESCO Affairs. Scheuer agrees, but places the blame on UNESCO director-general
Amadou-Mahtar M'Bow. “He is the cause of the problem, and he could
remedy it,” Scheuer said. “He knows what the problems are
. . . if he cares about his future, he will take the leadership in setting
this vessel right again.” The administration has refrained from directly attacking
M'bow, a Senegalese whom Third World nations regard as their spokesman. Assistant Secretary Newell told the Senate Labor Committee
Dec. 10 that depriving UNESCO of a quarter of its resources could force
it to set priorities in its programs “in the way that we and others
have urged.” Dutch Ambassador to UNESCO Maarten Mourik, however, said,
“With no representative in the organization, it's difficult to see
how you can push your ideas.” He has coordinated the informal western
group working for reform in UNESCO since the U.S. announcement of its
intention a year ago. Of all the western countries besides the United States
that have expressed concern over UNESCO, Britain's voice has been loudest.
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's government last month announced the
British intention ot leave UNESCO at the end of 1985. “But the British shopping list is weak in comparison
to what the United States wants,” Mourik said. “The British
are not asking for structural or institutional changes. “If the U.S. would wish to negotiate by proxy, it
would have to be through the British, and I don't see Britain asking for
more than what they want themselves . . reforms will come to a standstill.” Former Australian Ambassador to UNESCO Owen Harries said,
“Pressure is best kept up from the outside.” He says he knows
because he “tried doing it from the inside.” For the past
year, Harries has been in Washington at the conservative Heritage Foundation,
key in the drive to get the United States out of UNESCO. The United States pulled out of the International Labor
Organization for similar reasons in 1977 and returned two years later.
The State Department's Wright saw a parallel with UNESCO: “As in
the case of the ILO, if we're out, there will be a lot of interest in
getting us back in. It would play a role in what UNESCO did.” But Leonard Sussman, head of Freedom House and vice chairman
of the U.S. National Commission for UNESCO, says the parallel is not exact.
“The ILO produces little, if anything, that directly profits Americans.
UNESCO returns dollars, data, influence and other assets,” Sussman
told the Senate Labor Committee. “Leaving ILO was a small loss,
and returning was easy. Returning to UNESCO would be more difficult. There
is no single U.S. constituency that dominates UNESCO policy as American
labor influences U.S. policy at the ILO.” Sussman is a longtime critic of the UNESCO debate on the
new world information order and proposals that point to curtailment of
press freedom, but he opposed a pullout, advocating a fight for reform
from within the organization as the most viable means of change. Indeed, Sussman, Mourik, Scheuer and others say that a
lot of the fault with the state of UNESCO, and the enormous power now
concentrated in M'Bow's hands, lies with the West. Over the years, the United States has not sought a leaedership
role at UNESCO. “That U.S. reluctance, even apathy, for some 15
years, helped produce some of the very flaws we now loudly attack,”
Sussman said. “Since announcing a year ago our withdrawal . . .
this country has not provided even its closest allies with a specific
list of grievances.” Mourik said making radical changes at UNESCO will take
about the same effort as for a supertanker to change course, “certainly
for structural and institutional reforms: For that, you need at least
a session of the General Conference, UNESCO's highest body.” UNESCO's General Conference meets every two years with
the next session set for Sofia, Bulgaria next fall. “Logic would have it that if the United States would
like to see those structural changes, it should wait for the General Conference
to discuss them,” Mourik said. In making its pullout decision, the administration bypassed
the National Commission for UNESCO — a body authorized by Congress
in 1946 — and gave only nodding attention to the hundreds of nongovernmental
organizations associated with UNESCO that called for the decision's reversal.
The commission adopted a resolution last week expressing regret about
the pullout. Similarly, most of the scientific, educational and other
organizations affected by the decision are “looking at it in a different
way than the administration,” Wright said. “They look at what they are concerned with — the
scientists look at the scientific programs, the educators look at the
literacy programs. There is no reason why they should be concerned with
budget and mismanagement. And there is little reason for them to be concerned
with politicization,” Wright said. UNESCO's maritime, copyright, reading, scientific and
other programs are considered important and the administration says that
it will make every effort to continue subsidizing those programs and that
any adverse consequences to U.S. industry can be met by establishing bilateral
trading arrangements. “We're not going to throw out the baby with
the bath,” Wright said. But that may not be so easy, says Doudou Dienne, director
of UNESCO's New York liaison office. “This question has legal implications
and we don't yet know what are the programs the United States can participate
in without being full members of UNESCO.” He said that each request
for participation would have to be studied separately. Another concern is the 82 Americans on the staff of the
UNESCO secretariat, 20 in high-level positions, who feel threatened by
the move. As international civil servants, their positions should be protected,
but the Soviet Union, for one, has called for a hiring quota system based
on membership. At the ILO, American staff members lost their positions
when the United States left, Sussman said. |
|||